Article by Prof . Dr Yubaraj Sangroula

What is unfolding in politics of Nepal would be disasterous for peace and Transition .
-By Prof Dr . Yubaraj Sangroula

The course of transition in Nepal has become longer and complex. The post CA political gimmick is in no way different to the past. Horse-trading in making and unmaking government has raised its head again. The present events in politics of Nepal will have devastating impact on making of constitution and transformation of conflict. The gradually floating gimmicks in and around political parties are playing crucial role in 'deforming' the political spirit and value the Interim Constitution has aspired for. Efforts from certain corner of international community have become dense to 'define Nepal as failed or failing state'. While the state of Nepal is not so alarmingly uncontrollable, why such propaganda is being hatched is not known.

In home, a quarter of so-called politicians (rather conspiracy makers) are intensifying the slogan of 'lokatantrik morcha' (democratic alliance). The slogan for 'morcha' may have a devastating consequence in the given fragility of the 'political equation' that Nepal is having at present. This movement will painfully derail the 'peace process'.

The divided politics will divide the 'constitution making process'. One should not forget to 'have reminiscent of the terrible past in which thousand of people have lost their lives and suffered pains. The plurality-based political system was not a choice of CPN Maoist. They have been brought at this point by a situation coupled by hectic political persuasion. Any attempt like formation of so-called 'lokatantrik morcha' will definitely have adverse impact on their going ahead with plurality-based political system. It would not be an intelligent idea to push them back into fight again. One should not make foolish scheme to uplift stone to drop on one's foot.

Nepal is in a strategic placement not only between two big national territories, geographically, but also between two different political systems. The formation of a 'political platform' closer in nature to the southern neighbor will automatically instigate or intensify the similar political platform closer to the nature the northern neighbor is practicing. Now the question is why the idea of so-called 'lokatantrik morcha ' is being floated in politics of Nepal in a time when country is in need of a deeper realization of the 'consensus-based politics' for achieving constitution and ending the painful transition.

Nepalese democracy has, constantly, been hit by the 'collaborators and conspirators' of the past regime. The report of the South Korean Human Rights commission has vividly explained how the democratic movement of the South Korean people had been contaminated by the former collaborators and the democracy had to shift to the hands of dictators repeatedly. The history of Nepal is hardly different. The first parliament of Nepal got dissolved by GP Koirala. The mid-term election made the way for UML to form a minority government, which is recalled by the people as the best government in the history of Nepal. It was, however, not allowed to run beyond nine months, and one can look back to find people, who played deeply designed role to get rid of UML's government. Many collaborators of Panchayat system designed gimmicks to 'defile' the democracy and made the way for revival of the absolute monarchy. Even during the regime of King Birendra, GP Koirala was not allowed to use military against Maoist and consequently he had to resign on that reason. Who had been active in those days to advise the king?

In politics of Nepal, the Congress and Leftist political forces have been repeatedly making mistakes in understanding of the people who had been utilized by the kings in Panchayti system. In 1990, the Congress and Left Alliance got united to fight against absolutism and, had, finally, been able to restore democracy. The people of Nepal felt extreme pleasure and happiness for this 'collaboration' and believed that together these two forces could transform backward Nepal into a prosperous Nepal. The collaboration, however, in few years turned into a political enmity. Nepali Congress brought the UML government down in a time when the Prime Minister was in hospital after a helicopter crash. The Congress felt comfortable to collaborate with players of the Panchayat regime. As a result, the Panchayati collaborators were brought into crucial political role within a very few years of 1990 popular movement. At some point, the Congress even decided to make him the prime minister of democratic Nepal. The UML, representative of the left force, made the same mistake. It worked with king's closer aids and it too preferred to make Lokendra B. Chanda as the prime minister of democratic Nepal without any hesitation.

This deterioration of democratic politicks in Nepal finally led the way to 'emergence of Gynendra' as an absolute monarch. This lesson is enough to learn for Nepali Congress and UML. Unfortunately, the history is now being repeated and the CPN Maoist too has become part of it by 'defining peoples like Kamal Thapa and Ramesh Nath Pandey ' as nationalists. It is apparent that one of the mistakes made by CPN Maoist's government while in power is the wrong advice of people it brought in from the group that constituted close aids to king Gynendra.

The past history is now rapidly unfolding. SB Thapa has some time ago proposed for 'formation of an alliance of 'loktantrik people'. He thinks that 'he is a democrat' and a quarter of the Nepali Congress and UML believe on that. So a platform on political philosophical understanding of SB Thapa is likely to take shape. The emerging polarization in Nepal will devastatingly impact the 'consensus politics' aspired by the Interim Constitution and the need of the nation itself. Polarization in politics will have impact on 'scheme of federalism' and many other aspects of restructuring too. It will also have terrible impact on the scheme of 'arrangement of Maoist combatants', in which the transformation of conflict is fully dependent.

In this context, let me make some propositions:

(1) Military force in any country is a professional body; hence no combatants can be assimilated in a national army until and unless the combatants are 'fully depoliticized'. It means that the government of Nepal must initiate process to professionalize combatants by training and other necessary courses. But political parties of Nepal have already made a mistake. They agreed to form a government under Maoist leadership before the issue of de-politicization of the combatants was agreed or talked about. While CPN Maoist made some efforts to detangle the combatants from the party, it did not fully transfer under the government. The result was, therefore, a party in government with national military under it and also with its own party military. This mistake was a common mistake of all political parties in the CA.

(2) In transition, the two military forces nurture utter dislike of each other as they have a history of fight face to face in the past. Obviously, in the integration process, each wants to prevail over the other. This circumstance generates 'suspicion' against each other. The gravest mistake in this course was to 'allow CPN Maoist to command Nepal Army too'. Both military should have been brought under the command of a "Committee" of the CA specially to be constituted for this purpose. The Combatants and Nepal Army both should have been governed by the "Military Committee" thus formed in the CA. This would have diverted the present situation of Nepal, and the peace process would not have been affected. However, none of the political parties gave consideration to this need.

(3) Instead of forming democratic and left alliances by political forces, they have to think in a way to facilitate the integration of the armies by consensus, and for this the 'CA is the only option left'. Some people argue that they should be handled by UN. This proposal will pose nothing but a problem. We already have widely seen the performance of UNMIN. Of course, such idea will generate jobs for so many people from so many countries, but eventually it will place Nepal in disadvantageous position. The political parties should, therefore, unite on the basis of agenda not on the basis of political ideological polarization. The responsible political leaders should strive for 'forming a powerful committee' in the CA to look after both the military until the new constitution is not promulgated and the issue of integration is fully addressed. However, this possibility is frustrated by those who don't like democracy in Nepal. This group comprises of former collaborators, extremists from both the left and right wings of politics, arms-mafias, and power mongers. The challenges are thus big.Top

(4) The formation of national government should not be based on distribution of 'ministerial berths'. It should be guided by the 'agenda' for transformation of conflict and ending of the transition as soon as possible. The CPN Maoist must think of 'not possessing the combatants' as if its private army, whereas the other parties should also give up a psyche that the Nepal Army is their only favorite. The peace in Nepal depends on 'logical address' of the integration of Maoists, and, to facilitate this process toward logical end, CPN Maoist should be ready to handover the combatants to the committee to be formed by the CA. The combatants should not carry any emblems that define them as Maoist army so that other parties would be able to treat the combatants as part of the prospective national army. It however doesn't mean that the 'children and non eligible people' will also find place in the national army.

Why this process is obstructed in Nepal? Obviously, some people are keen to lead the process to a deadlock and make Nepal gradually slide to 'a position of failed state'. One must not overlook that 'some people across the border are engaged in defiling the peace process in Nepal'. Definitely, there are people across the borders who, just for their vested interest, don't want to see accommodation of CPN Maoist in Nepalese politics. Inside the country, there are people who, for their vested interests, want to instigate enduring conflict and prove that CA is not a right solution. Inside the CPN Maoist, there are still people who have romantic dream of 'capture' of powers absolutely, which is nothing but a myth. They definitely can fight some more years, but eventually to loss. CPN Maoist failed to politically educate its ranks and files to accommodate in the changed context, and, hence, the turmoil is still going on everywhere. These mistakes should be addressed by the party itself. But those mistakes should not be made a basis for others to 'alienate CPN Maoist' from the political process. It is a political force, whether someone like it or not. It is a biggest party today in the CA, whether some one like it or not. To ignore its existence and size in the Nepalese politics will bring devastating effect on the peace process.

On the other hand, CPN Maoist also must realize that once they have come back to the political competition, they have to abide by laws made by their own involvement. They must respect the constitution and the principles of the rule of law. A separate rule by their ranks and files will not be acceptable to the Nepalese people. Those who have been running to materialize their political gimmicks for coming into powers by pushing the history into a corner will be facing contempt in history itself. They should, therefore, refrain themselves from pushing the country into a ditch of conflict again. The Nepali Congress and UML must deeply understood that 'CPN Maoist will be an absolute power if they fail to make themselves as viable political parties'. If they become able to grow well by winning the hearts of people, nobody can stop them being important powers in the country. Today, they are loosing their weights and intelligentsia not because they have no potentiality, but because they fight internally; they are greedy for the powers and they have not been able to stop corrupt people within and around them. Most importantly, the do not believe on their own disciplines and ideologies. Also, they have failed to be the hope of new generation. Hence, their survival starts by their ideological and conviction regeneration. Let us hope that they will emerge as viable alternatives to CPN Maoist democratically with conviction of working together with all. If they fail to generate hope of new generation on them, no powers in any parts of the world will secure their position in the politics of Nepal. I do have a faith and conviction that Nepali people will not let their nation become a 'failed state'. They will protect it. Why don't, then, we take the present scenario itself a 'potential' for new Nepal.